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       lite.cnn.com - on gopher - inofficial
       
       
       ARTICLE VIEW: 
       
       Bob Woodward issues a stark warning on Trump weeks from Election Day
       
       Analysis by Peter Bergen, CNN
       
       Updated: 
       
       9:40 PM EDT, Tue October 15, 2024
       
       Source: CNN
       
       The arrival of a new has a well-established choreography; enterprising
       reporters get hold of copies of the heavily embargoed volume a week or
       so ahead of its publication date and mine it for the news it contains.
       
       Both and , where Woodward retains the honorific title of associate
       editor, covered the news in the latest book, “War,” last week. And
       news there was: At the height of the pandemic, President sent Russian
       President Vladimir Putin a secret shipment of Covid-19 testing
       equipment, and since he has left office, Trump has called Putin as many
       as seven times.
       
       Ahead of Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, President blamed former
       President Barack Obama for not doing more to counter the Russian leader
       when he invaded Crimea in 2014, telling a friend, “That’s why we
       are here. We fucked it up. Barack never took Putin seriously.”
       
       Putin had a heated call with Biden in the run-up to Russia’s February
       2022 invasion of Ukraine, in which the Russian president threatened a
       nuclear war. Later, Biden’s national security team assessed there was
       a 50% chance Putin might use a tactical nuclear weapon during the
       Ukraine conflict. It is worth noting that back in March, CNN’s Jim
       Sciutto had similar about Putin’s possible use of a tactical nuclear
       weapon in Ukraine in late 2022.
       
       As has been the case for previous Woodward books, those who don’t
       come out well from his reporting publicly dismiss it. The Trump
       campaign said: “None of these made-up stories by Bob Woodward are
       true.”
       
       The deluge of publicity that precedes the publication of Woodward’s
       book ensures that the book shoots to the top of the bestseller lists
       before Woodward does any media himself. Even before “War” goes on
       sale Tuesday, it’s already No. 5 on Amazon’s bestseller list, so it
       could also be on the way to being Woodward’s 16th No. 1 New York
       Times bestseller, an astonishing record of success.
       
       Woodward has a penchant for one-word titles for his books about Trump:
       “Peril,” “Rage” and “Fear.” He has also written extensively
       about the post-9/11 wars in books such as “Bush at War” and
       “Obama’s Wars.” So how does “War” stack up against those
       books, and what are its big themes?
       
       At the heart of “War,” Woodward reports about how Biden’s
       national security team handled three wars: in Afghanistan, the Ukraine
       conflict, and the war in Gaza, now in its second year, which has
       embroiled the Middle East in a widening conflict.
       
       Like Woodward’s several other books about war, the front lines of the
       conflicts he covers are not on the battlefields but in the Oval Office
       and the White House Situation Room. I reviewed showing that Robert
       Woodward (his legal name) visited the White House more than two dozen
       times from December 2022 to April 2024, a period that “War” covers
       in detail.
       
       Woodward rarely strays far from this apex of American power. As a
       result, “War” is not suffused with the sound of gunfire, but the
       ringing of cell phones as senior Biden officials get on secure
       conference calls.
       
       Woodward notes that neither Biden nor Trump spoke to him for this book,
       but he still got great access. It’s clear from a close reading of
       “War” that almost every top national security official in the Biden
       administration spoke with him. Those officials did so surely because
       they understood that if they didn’t talk to Woodward, their peers
       certainly would. So, if they wanted to get their version of history
       told, it only made sense to cooperate with the legendary reporter, who,
       at age 81, has more energy and puts in more shoe leather than reporters
       half his age.
       
       Typically, in Woodward’s books, he lets his reporting speak for
       itself and doesn’t make sweeping pronouncements that tell the reader
       about his own conclusions, but “War” is different. Woodward, who
       has covered every president since Nixon, writes that Trump is “not
       only the wrong man for the presidency, he is also unfit to lead the
       country. Trump was far worse than Richard Nixon, the provably criminal
       president. … Trump was the most reckless and impulsive president in
       American history.” Ouch!
       
       By contrast, the final sentence of “War” asserts, “Based on the
       evidence available now, I believe President Biden and this team will be
       largely studied in history as an example of steady and purposeful
       leadership.”
       
       Biden’s Afghan withdrawal fiasco
       
       Yet, that conclusion of steady and purposeful leadership is quite at
       odds with the fiasco of the from Afghanistan in the summer of 2021,
       which handed the country back to the Taliban, and during which a
       suicide bomber killed 13 American service members and some 170 Afghans.
       This was an own goal scored by Biden’s decision to go , who told him
       the withdrawal of the small contingent of 2,500 US troops then in
       Afghanistan would lead to the collapse of the Afghan military.
       
       Collapse it did, and now the Taliban rule over Afghanistan with an
       enabled by many billions of dollars of military equipment that the US
       left behind. The Taliban are also accommodating some 20 terrorist
       organizations, .
       
       The Afghanistan withdrawal also signaled to Putin that the US was
       withdrawing from the world in general, which seems to have accelerated
       his plans to invade Ukraine. Woodward’s reporting underlines this
       point. He writes that top generals at the Pentagon learned that a few
       weeks after the Afghanistan withdrawal, “new pieces of intelligence
       were coming in that suggested Russia was planning a large-scale
       military attack on Ukraine.”
       
       Biden then dispatched CIA Director Bill Burns, who had dealt with Putin
       during his stint as US ambassador to Russia, to warn the Russian leader
       that the US knew he was planning an invasion of Ukraine and to try to
       dissuade him. Along with Burns on the trip to Russia was the National
       Security Council director for Russia, Eric Green. According to
       Woodward, Green “picked up a sense that the Russians were feeling
       kind of full of themselves after the US withdrawal from Afghanistan.”
       Green told Woodward, “I think it reinforced Putin’s conception
       about how easy it would be. … Here’s a military force that has been
       supported by the US for decades at that stage. They just collapsed. The
       Americans didn’t back them up.”
       
       Biden gets it right on Ukraine
       
       By contrast, the Biden team did show real leadership when it tried to
       warn the world of Putin’s impending invasion of Ukraine and then,
       when it happened, steadily supplied the Ukrainians with weapons and
       substantial aid so that they have held off the Russians for more than
       two and a half years. This has all been achieved without any American
       boots on the ground, a key Biden goal for the war.
       
       In the lead-up to the invasion of Ukraine, Biden and his team warned in
       private discussions with the Ukrainians and NATO allies that, based on
       their intelligence, Putin was close to invading. They also innovated by
       making this intelligence public. Not surprisingly, this was met with
       some initial resistance from the US intelligence community, yet it was
       smart policy. After all, secrecy serves policy; it is not a policy goal
       in and of itself.
       
       On December 3, 2021, The Washington Post headlined, “Russia planning
       a massive military offensive against Ukraine involving 175,000 troops,
       U.S. intelligence warns.” Although this declassification of
       intelligence didn’t, in the end, stop Putin from invading Ukraine, it
       likely made NATO allies and the Ukrainians better prepared for how to
       respond once the invasion began.
       
       If the Afghanistan withdrawal was a spectacular own goal scored by
       Biden himself since he was the leading proponent of the policy, the
       Biden administration’s response to the Ukraine invasion was about as
       good as it gets. Biden wanted to support the Ukrainians substantially
       but did not want to trigger World War III inadvertently. That policy
       has largely been a success. When US intelligence found that Putin was
       seriously contemplating using a tactical nuclear weapon, the Biden
       administration “mobilized every communication line, calling the
       Chinese, the Indians, the Israelis, the Turks — countries friendly
       with Russia” to get them to tell Putin to stand down. He did.
       
       One of Putin’s key goals when he invaded Ukraine was to ensure the
       country never joined NATO. Instead, because of the invasion, Putin made
       NATO Great Again. Multiple NATO countries started ramping up their own
       spending on defense, and the alliance added two new members, the
       formerly neutral states of and , Russia’s neighbor.
       
       While the war has stalemated now with a slight advantage to the
       Russians, who are advancing slowly in eastern Ukraine, in August, the
       Ukrainians seized hundreds of square miles of territory of Russia
       itself, which they have retained. No matter how much Putin’s
       propagandists proclaim that victory is close, the Russians are
       estimated to have already suffered 600,000 dead and wounded, according
       to a Pentagon briefing last week.
       
       The Middle East regional war Biden tried to avoid
       
       Hamas attacked Israel, killing some 1,200 Israelis, the Biden team has
       not prevented an escalating regional conflict. Instead of showing
       purposeful leadership, the Biden administration has repeatedly handed
       Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a blank check, which he has
       used to carry out large-scale attacks not only in Gaza but also in the
       West Bank and Lebanon, as well as more targeted operations in Syria and
       Yemen.
       
       The war is Gaza has claimed the lives of 42,000 people, according to
       the Gaza Health Ministry, while the death toll in Lebanon is more than
       1,500 since Israel launched a ground operation there in recent weeks,
       and a million Lebanese have fled their homes, .
       
       Meanwhile, the Houthis in Yemen have effectively shut down shipping
       through the using Iran-supplied missiles and drones and have also fired
       them at Israel. In the past six months, Iran has launched two massive
       attacks on Israel using ballistic missiles and drones, widening the war
       to the regional conflict that the Biden administration was strenuously
       seeking to avoid when Hamas launched its attacks in Israel on October
       7, 2023.
       
       The possibility of a ceasefire with Hamas and the return of the
       hostages held by the terrorist group at this point since the leader of
       Hamas in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar, and Netanyahu are unwilling to compromise,
       and both seem to believe that the continuation of the war benefits
       their interests.
       
       On Sunday, the Israeli Cabinet met to decide how to respond to the most
       recent Iranian missile strike on Israel two weeks ago. Biden has urged
       the Israelis not to strike Iranian nuclear sites. Let’s see whether
       they listen. The record so far has not been encouraging.
       
       Biden’s unwavering support for Netanyahu even has a name — “the
       bear hug”— and while the president has occasionally protested
       publicly about the level of casualties in Gaza, the de facto policy is
       strong support for Israel; for instance, the Biden administration is
       going forward with the sale of $18 billion of F-15 fighter jets to the
       country.
       
       Earlier this year, the Biden administration tried without success to
       get Netanyahu not to attack the densely populated Gazan city of Rafah,
       where an estimated 1.5 million Palestinians were sheltering, many of
       them evicted from their homes earlier in the conflict.
       
       Biden called Netanyahu on February 15, 2024, telling him, “We already
       said we are not going to support an operation absent a plan to get
       civilians out of harm’s way.” Netanyahu ignored this warning and
       went ahead with the attack on Rafah. Woodward’s assessment of US
       Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s efforts to rein in Netanyahu
       during this period is damning and direct: “It was obvious Blinken had
       no influence.”
       
       It’s mystifying why the Biden administration hasn’t used more of
       its considerable leverage over Netanyahu; after all, in the past year,
       the US has approved $17.9 billion for security assistance to Israel,
       according to a report by Brown University released last week; the most
       aid in any year that the US has ever sent to Israel. The Biden
       administration has halted the shipment of massive 2,000-pound bombs to
       Israel, but otherwise, the large flow of American weapons to the Jewish
       state continues.
       
       Vice President Kamala Harris
       
       Though Vice President Kamala Harris adorns the cover of “War” —
       likely a marketing decision given her presidential run — she does not
       play a prominent role in the book compared with Blinken, Secretary of
       Defense Lloyd Austin and national security adviser Jake Sullivan.
       
       Yet, when Harris appears in the book, she does give sound advice. When
       Biden asked her what her view was in mid-April after Iran had fired
       some 300 missiles and drones at Israel, almost all of which were then
       shot down by Israel, the US and other allies, Harris said simply,
       “Tell Bibi to take the win.”
       
       Harris also has one of the funnier lines in the book, saying Biden
       likes her company because “he knows that I’m the only person around
       who knows how to properly pronounce the word motherfucker.” Indeed,
       we learn from Woodward that “Joe from Scranton” sure does use the
       F-word a lot, particularly when it comes to Netanyahu, who Biden
       variously describes as one of “the biggest fucking assholes in the
       world,” “a bad fucking guy” and “a fucking liar.” And for
       good measure, Biden yells at Netanyahu, “Bibi, what the fuck?”
       after the Israelis living in a densely populated area of the capital of
       Lebanon, also killing at least three civilians.
       
       “War” is a deeply reported account of the wars on the Biden
       administration’s watch. At the same time, its overall assessment that
       the Biden team showed purposeful leadership regarding these conflicts
       isn’t supported by the facts of the Afghan withdrawal, the present
       conflagration in the Middle East, and even Woodward’s own reporting.
       However, regarding Ukraine, the Biden administration has operated very
       deftly, keeping NATO together and expanding the alliance while avoiding
       any direct American involvement in the war that might have triggered an
       escalatory response from the Russians. Certainly, this is a real
       achievement that Biden can savor when he enjoys his well-earned
       retirement back in Delaware.
       
       It is anyone’s guess what Trump might do about Ukraine if he were to
       win the presidency, given the former president’s odd bromance with
       Putin, which even top aides such as Trump’s director of national
       Intelligence, Dan Coats, cannot explain. Coats told Woodward, “It’s
       still a mystery to me how he deals with Putin and what he says to
       Putin. … It’s an enigma, and it hasn’t been broken yet.”
       
       Trump has claimed he could quickly settle the Ukraine conflict, but
       since the Russians and Ukrainians have been at war for a decade since
       Putin first seized Crimea in 2014, this seems like wishful thinking.
       
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